Pluralist RADICAL DEMOCRACY of Ernesto Laclau AND Chantal Mouffe is a way to end any kind of innate thought about political life, a way in which sporadic powers, parallel hegemonies AND as a result various DISCOURSEs are formed. DISCOURSEs whose predicates’ capacities to satiation AND saturating can turn them to hegemonic DISCOURSE, but something which seems very important in this RADICAL DEMOCRACY is that as a result of cultural development due to postmodernism AND language games, otherness AND plurality in society must be reserved in contest form. Authors believe that against the real world, this kind of contest can be applied in VIRTUAL space, hence we call it RADICAL VIRTUAL DEMOCRACY, a RADICAL DEMOCRACY which has great abilities to affect social AND political life, therefore, the main question of this article which we try to answer is that, how is the formation AND realization of RADICAL VIRTUAL DEMOCRACY caused by Internet? The hypothesis of the current writing is that the VIRTUAL space of Internet with its unique features like hypertext, hypernetwork, interactional action AND the decentralization of medium power which is assured by two features of access possibility to VIRTUAL identity AND technical AND non-exclusive skilled facilities, has the ability to form RADICAL VIRTUAL DEMOCRACY.

Although there had been consensus on defining the DEMOCRACY as "the people govern themselves", but objective implication of such vision have seen controversial. Nowadays, this conflict is refer to two principal approach: 1)The "explainatory/methodological" approach that defines DEMOCRACY as an institutional mechanism for turn-in politics by people's Vote. 2) The "normative/ontological" approach that considers DEMOCRACY as a kind of form of life, which is based on liberty AND equality, that is due to expANDing the scope of democratic inclusiveness onto all strata. In this essay compares the "polyarchy", as a modern pluralist DEMOCRACY (the case for first approach) with the "RADICAL DEMOCRACY", as a postmodern pluralist DEMOCRACY (a case for second approach);Supposing that Laclau & Mouffe's RADICAL democratic project might be interpreted as the revival of the original ideals of DEMOCRACY, based on the postmodern turn AND shift in political analysis base, by going beyond from restricted / behavioral tradition of classic pluralism in the vision of thinkers like Robert Dahl.

current research is to critically analyze the DISCOURSE of world peace in the textbooks of the Iranian educational system based on the theory of identification by L& M. For this purpose, the textbooks between the years 1357-1392 (primary period AND first period high school) have been analyzed. This article has been done with the combined method of analyzing the DISCOURSE of Fairclough, L &M AND focusing on the following questions: What was the status of the world peace DISCOURSE in the educational documents of this era? What subjects are these educational materials trying to create? What role have the dominant political DISCOURSEs in this era played in shaping the identity of these subjects? The findings show that the DISCOURSE of world peace in educational books AND documents has been rejected due to the demarcation between Islamic AND non-Islamic, internal AND external. Power processes have tried to create militant AND vengeful subjects with a military identity. The factor of persuasion of the subjects is the axiomatization of the ideologies of the revolution with an Islamic nature. Also, the educational content by inducing specific defense ideologies has formed pacifist identities in all individual, interpersonal, social AND international dimensions.

Evolution of government in the new world has shown that traditional AND authoritarian governments AND even pre-modern religious democracies have progressed toward becoming a democratic order after reforms AND social movements, while in Iran this movement has been nothing but vague. As several decades after the Constitutional Revolution AND the attempt to establish democratic institutions, a religious government was finally formed in Iran following the 1979 revolution. This is why the political DISCOURSE in Iran after a few decades of democratization has led to theocracy. This study examines the motivations AND causes of this discursive turning point AND the changing intellectual AND political atmosphere of Iranian society through the method of historical analysis. This change, indeed, includes various aspects, some of which will be studied in this article. This study shows that factors such as the change in the social fabric of Iran in the 1930s AND 1350s; the emergence of identity challenges among the various strata of the Iranian society; the shift in the notion of DEMOCRACY in the political literature of revolutionary militants; the break in the relations of political actors; the political, intellectual, AND organizational failure of the democratic forces to lead AND organize the struggle; AND finally, the ability of political Islam in the design of the theory of government AND in the battle of symbols led to a shift that aspires toward theocracy.

The goal of this article is an evaluation of concrete effect of Foucault’ s fundamental AND genealogical criticism of modernity, AND examining Foucault’ s ideas that signify the political system AND agency. Foucault believes in the de-transcendentalization of power AND knowledge in modern era. The problem is the effect of acceptance of de-transcendentalization of power on political agency, state AND governmentality. Foucault’ s de-transcendental view does not consider the political as something that is related to sovereignty, AND by placing it in an undeterministic framework that is simultaneously cultural AND political, he calls it governmentality. Sovereignty doesn't exist in a detranscendental framework as it may make a person inferior to do something that he wants himself. In contrast, governmentality effects on the practice of ruled, as this is context of self-changing AND selfregulating in their everyday behaviors. However, they are not made to do a work that they do not like, but power exercises freely AND through the objectification of the subject over them. In response to this problem, Morris Barbie's theory of political modernity, applied as heuristic device for definition of the political AND method of application is Arthur Lovejoy's history of ideas. The theory of political modernity prompts dichotomy of freedom-subjugation in two dimensions of state AND civil society, in so that correspond with liberal DEMOCRACY system through priority of subjugation. Hypothesis of this article is that Foucault’ s belif that political modernity AND liberal DEMOCRACY system prompts the priority of subjugation AND it leads to RADICAL liberal DEMOCRACY.

Religious DEMOCRACY, supporting AND protecting past findings of national identity, is capable for actualizing such new components of national identity as law-abidingness, political participation, developing high education on the basis of cultural plurality, national solidarity, citizenship law, preparing appropriate model of Islamic Iranian development. Today, Iranian identity has been regarded as a politico-legal subject, emphasizing Iranian laws. The problem of national identity, therefor, in addition to traditional components of territory, history, religion AND language, should be put in a framework of human AND legal values, beliefs AND norms. The paper intends to study the question of the place of national identity in religious DEMOCRACY. As is explained in the paper, the DISCOURSE of religious DEMOCRACY may function as an appropriate ground for new components of national identity. The purpose of the paper lies in paying attention to new components of national identity in harmony with the needs in modern Iranian society.

Over other competing DISCOURSEs importance to debate on his fundamental issues. It Seems ideal position of modernity cannot reach to final conclusions about its propositions But it is a defense possibility of some kind of contrapuntal. Philosophical debate about the foundations of modernity including results that has brought the polyphonic. Different people with different views Engage in critical dialogue on the basis of this foundations AND adds the interpretation above other previous interpretation about it. From this endless debate Arise Methodological perspectives lead to important results about reform of current trends. Foucault AND Habermas were great thinkers of this century that their debate reflects a sound of polyphonic. Modernity is the important issues that have discuss these two together about his central themes. it seems to have conflicting views on this issue However, both sounds are considered within modernity. In fact, his views on the modernity they have given serious warnings about its future. The main purpose of the present article is examination of Habermas AND Foucault debate about modernity AND its three pillars, namely humanism, dialogue AND DEMOCRACY.

Thinkers like Charles Taylor, Michael SANDel, Alsadair Maclentyre AND Michael Valdez, who are called communitarians, believe that liberal attitude of a person as a self-foundation AND selective subject in nature cannot guarantee the understANDing of communicative AND connective status of the person with social traditions AND culture. Presenting a disarranged picture from the relation between person AND society can lead to inadequacy in defining the human values like justice, freedom, equality, AND moral virtues. Furthermore, communitarian thinkers have criticized ideas like the notion of non-textual self, impartiality of government, AND universality of liberalist ideas. As an example, SANDel has followed the roots of declining of American republican idealism in procedural liberalism as an immediate result of such idealisms. In contrast, liberalists have attempted to prepare an adequate response which has brought about this academic debate between these two groups. Hence, the first aim is to reconstruct SANDel`s criticisms of liberalism. Secondly, by presenting the liberalists AND communitarians arguments, SANDel`s ideas AND thoughts have been investigated from a theoretical AND practical perspectives. Theoretically, SANDel has analyzed the notion of nontextual self of a person AND has discussed about its incongruity AND its deficiency.Government impartiality AND procedural liberalism has been criticized from practical view point.

About two years after the Iraq-Iran war, AND at a time when Iraqi-Iranian relations were neither war nor peace, Saddam Hussein as Iraq's top political leader, wrote letters to high-ranking Iranian officials. In the correspondences, he sought to portray himself as a pacifist seeking a peaceful solution to the Iraq-Iran crisis. Iranian officials replied obsessively to all the letters. The role of these letters was very important because they were written after the war that incurred heavy human AND material losses between the two countries. At that time, officials of both countries were very careful AND cautious in what to say AND how to say it. Probably, it could be said that the war between the two countries had gone from a physical battle to an attempt at verbal persuasion. Therefore, it is important AND necessary to examine AND analyze these messages through critical DISCOURSE analysis. After reviewing the correspondences, it became clear that there was a dialectical connection between their ideology, power, AND texts. The more socially AND politically powerful the actor is, the more opportunity he has for linguistics, AND in turn, has an effect on his display of power. Officials of both countries – even perhaps unknowingly - used the DISCOURSE components to strengthen AND direct their DISCOURSE; components such as: polarization, reference, lexical options, participant characteristics, implicit signification, distance, AND fallacy.

Introduction: Philosophers consider justice to be the moral virtue of society,That is, just as honesty, truthfulness AND trustworthiness can be considered the virtues of individual ethics, justice is also the virtue of a society,Therefore, both morality AND justice can be considered as the characteristics of an individual or society, especially justice has a special AND distinct social aspect AND is considered the society's morality. Justice is one of the concepts about which various theories have been proposed AND people have presented various programs to realize it. Liberal DEMOCRACY, which after the renaissance, religious reformism, AND the enlightenment era, gradually opened its foothold in the theories of human sciences AND historical developments, is the source of a kind of intellectual tradition known as humanism, AND with this approach, it promotes a special DISCOURSE of justice. Considering this, the article was formed with the aim of investigating the concept of justice as a moral virtue of societies in the DISCOURSE of liberal DEMOCRACY. Material & Methods: In this research, data collection was done in document-library form AND data analysis was done with the "DISCOURSE analysis" method AND based on the theoretical framework of " Laclau AND Mouffe's DISCOURSE analysis". Conclusion: Theorizing about justice in the DISCOURSE of liberal DEMOCRACY is influenced by the approach that places individual freedom, private property AND humanism as the basis. The concept of justice in this DISCOURSE is based on ontological AND epistemological foundations. Liberal DEMOCRACY believes in instrumental rationality, absolute profit, individualism, welfare, individual inequality.